PERSPECTIVE: Modulated Salary And The Politics Of Historical Revisionism In Osun
- By Sola Fasure
The return of the modulated salary narrative in Osun politics is a classic case of historical revisionism. Stripped of context, a crisis policy is now being weaponised as political propaganda. An eight-year administration is being caricatured by a two-year emergency response to a national economic collapse.
The modulated salary policy was adopted during Nigeria’s worst fiscal crisis in decades. Between 2014 and 2016, global oil prices collapsed to historic lows, reaching as little as $14 per barrel. Over 450,000 barrels of Nigerian crude were reported being stolen daily and sold on the black market. ISIS seized Iraqi oil fields and flooded international markets with illegally sold crude.
This imploded Nigeria’s oil-dependent revenue base. At the same time, oil revenues were being spent directly by the Federal Government without remittance into the Federation Account. FAAC allocations shrank drastically. FAAC meetings were stalemated repeatedly as states were told to go to hell when they brought up the issue of unremitted oil revenues. Across Nigeria, 28 states could not pay salaries.
Even the Federal Government admitted it had to print money monthly to meet wage obligations. Osun State was receiving as little as ₦500 million monthly — and in some months, negative allocations after deductions. Faced with this collapse, Osun had two options: sack workers or share the burden.
The Aregbesola administration chose burden-sharing. The modulated salary policy was progressive and protective: Levels 1–7 (about 67 percent of workers) received full salary. Levels 8–12 (about 25 percent) received 75 percent. Levels 13–17 and political appointees (about 8 percent) received 50 percent Only 28 percent of workers experienced any salary reduction at all, and the deepest cut applied only to the highest earners. This was not exploitation. It was fiscal triage.
Before leaving office, full salaries were restored and arrears clearing commenced. The remaining arrears were inherited by the succeeding Oyetola administration, which refused to settle them, despite receiving more money. Therefore, to evaluate an eight-year administration solely by a temporary emergency policy is analytically dishonest. Beyond that episode, the Aregbesola government implemented one of the most ambitious development programmes in Osun’s history.
The state was rebranded as Ìpínlẹ̀ Ọmọluabi, launching a moral and civic rebirth rooted in Yoruba values. The OYES scheme engaged over 60,000 youths in public works, drastically reducing crime and improving community safety. Under the administration, Osun was rated the state with the lowest crime and poverty and second lowest in unemployment in Nigeria. Over 700,000 people were lifted out of poverty through ₦5 billion in interest-free revolving loans. Osun recorded one of the lowest poverty and unemployment rates in Nigeria at the time. Infrastructure witnessed unprecedented expansion: 1,200 kilometres of roads, five urban clove bridges and over 5,000 culverts opened up rural and urban economies.
Emergency response ambulances saved over 14,000 lives. Education was transformed with 3,685 classrooms and 127 brand new modern schools. More than 317 million plates of hot meals were daily served daily to 255,000 Primary 1-4 pupils in 1,382 public schools. WAEC performance rose from 15 percent to 46 percent. Through the Agba Osun programme, elderly citizens received monthly allowances and free healthcare. Destitute citizens and those with mental health challenges were rehabilitated and reunited with their families.
The modulated salary was a symptom of a national collapse, not a failure of governance. History will be kind to the Aregbesola Administration in the students that went to public schools, that partook in the school feeding programmes and the 700,000 people lifted out of poverty who receive him enthusiastically whenever he Aregbesola appears on the streets in the state.
- Fasure, a veteran journalist and public analyst, writes from Osogbo.
The opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the author. It does not represent the editorial position or opinion of OSUN DEFENDER.







